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Authoritarianism Lingers . . .

By Benny Padilla

 

Authoritarianism lingers. Even in the 21st century, vestiges of this crude, despotic political system continue to exist in the Western Hemisphere, and it does so at the frustration of political scientists and historians throughout the world. Indeed, across the globe one need not look far in time or place to see elements of this phenomenon: China, North Korea, Russia, Pakistan, Thailand and Myanmar—to name just a few. In the Americas, a different pattern seems to have emerged, offering prospects of hope and reconciliation for Latinoamericanos. The pattern is democracy. With the exception of Cuba, the fall of autocratic regimes in Latin American ended by the 1990s. With the passing of former Chilean dictator, Augusto Pinochet, and the declining health of Cuba’s Fidel Castro, the disappearance of the last living autocratic stalwarts is on the horizon. Unfortunately, in many respects these are misleading factoids. In truth, authoritarianism’s presence and legacy continues to haunt Latin American society and culture in subtle ways.

 

Democracy is working, but the distribution of wealth is not. Herein lies the problems facing the region. In essence, liberal representative democracies are being threatened by two main factors: 1) extreme inequality and political exclusion of a great proportion of the population and 2) the implementation of neoliberal reforms of “the Washington Consensus” during the 80s and 90s has constrained the State and its capacity to fund and implement consequential social programs. Both factors have diminished the quality of democracy in the region and may lead to a second era of charismatic authoritarian figures. The rise of a semiauthoritarian figure like Hugo Chávez reflects this profound crisis. Liberal representative democracies have been incapable of implementing social policies that would redistribute wealth in a region that maintains the sad record of having the greatest disparity of wealth concentration in the world.

 

In many countries, governments have ignored social demands or have been unable to satisfy these demands through social programs and a tax system capable of collecting monies to fund these programs in a sustainable fashion. Poverty and inequality are so perverse that people are willing to accept some degree of authoritarianism in exchange for action against social problems.

 

In Venezuela, Chávez is slowly but surely delivering on some of the social goods for the poor through various programs in health, education, housing, food security and job training. He has also empowered and mobilized people that were previously excluded from the political process. On the other hand, he is politically and economically authoritarian: freedom of speech has been curtailed, journalists harassed, the opposition party restricted, and the independence of the judiciary effectively eliminated. The recent protests in Caracas, which turned violent (tear gas was used) as university students contested the impending constitutional reforms confirms a fear long held by Venezuelan expatriates: Chávez unjustifiably wields power, both overtly and subtly, against his countrymen and women.

 

Moreover, Chávez’s socialist rhetoric belies the broad welfare costs that stem from his anti-neo-liberalism (see The Economist). His inflationary economic polices have nearly wiped out domestic producers, who have little hope of exporting with an exchange rate officially over-valued by 100%. Meanwhile, despite decreases in official poverty, inequality has increased as bankers and insiders cash in on under-valued foreign currency and government contracts.

 

Latin American democracies must reform in several aspects to stave the appeal of Chávez-like figures. Most governments are still corrupt and offer no mechanism for social mobility. They must be more than political democracies, more than elections and checks and balances. They must be social and responsive democracies. Fortunately, some movements, like the New Left in Latin America, are on the upswing and have promised to deliver on social justice. If they fail, the region may—quite rapidly—revert to its historical tendencies of caudillos, iconic military leaders and oneparty systems.

 

Even President Bush is concerned—at least rhetorically. In a speech given earlier this year to the U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce he said the following: “The fact is that tens of millions of our brothers and sisters to the south have seen little improvement in their daily lives. And this has led some to question the value of democracy.” Latin America needs a representative process that is both politically and socially democratic, the region should be wary of political opportunists that hide behind symbolic figures (i.e. Simon Bolivar), while manipulating the media and the constitution. ●

 

Benny Padilla is a MPA candidate at the Woodrow Wilson School.

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Comments (1)

Jack morrow:

Great article, Benny. It will be interesting to see if these states, particularly Venezuela, move towards more social and responsive democracies. I wonder what forces could move Latin American states in that direction.

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