Driving Nails into the Coffin: A True Story in The Slave’s Friend (1835-1838), the First Abolitionist Periodical for Children

The Slave’s Friend. New York: American Anti-slavery Society, 1836-1838. (Cotsen 6598)

Because The Slave’s Friend was a “first,” certain facts are well known.  The monthly issues for children between six and 12 cost just a penny.  The editor was Lewis Tappan, the brother of the abolitionist Arthur,  the printer Ransom G. Wilson, and the illustrator the well-known wood cutter Alexander Andersen.  It was one of four publications The American Anti-Slavery Society launched in the early 1830.  In order to publicize its activities, the early numbers of the Friend were distributed free through the Society’s postal campaign to flood the southern states with abolitionist literature.  Incidents like the burning of bags of AASS pamphlets in Charleston, South Carolina post office proved great publicity for the organization.

Until recently, commentary on the periodical’s miscellaneous contents has been fairly cursory, as if the ways Tappan used to persuade his readership to accept the Society’s advocacy of immediate emancipation by non-violent means were self-evident.  Like any abolitionist publication, anecdotes of cruelty suffered by enslaved people figure prominently.  Should their sources be identified?  Should they be queried for accuracy? When reprinted from elsewhere, to what extent are they differ from the source material?

I decided to use as a test case a story in the July 1835 issue of The Slave’s Friend about two little girls named Joggy and Lorina.

The Slave’s Friend. July 1835

The Slave’s Friend. July 1835

My assumption that their story was probably reprinted from an earlier source was wrong:  it was literally hot off the press, based on articles about Captain Caleb Miller of the brig America, who brought them to America, that were run in The New Bedford Mercury and Boston Morning Post in June and early July.  Tappan seems to have drawn on the July 3 article in the Boston paper, which announced that Miller was charged with kidnapping and piracy in order to sell the two girls as slaves.  His story that the girls were given to him and he planned to raise them as his own was not believed.  He held on $3000 bail.

The Slave’s Friend. July 1835

Miller’s trial was closely watched by the abolitionist community because it would be the first case arising from the violation of United States laws against the African slave trade (The New Bedford Mercury suggested that “certain abolitionist gentlemen” had brought the case to light precisely for this reason.)   Tappan’s follow up article, however, focuses almost entirely on the girls’ whereabouts and welfare as more compelling way to rouse his readers’ sympathies than the details of Miller’s trial.  He went so far as to state that President Jackson deported Joggy and Lorena to Africa, a claim probably made on the strength of Jackson being listed as a supporter of the American Colonlzation Society (later revealed as  without his consent).

Reportage of the trial says little about the girls in comparison with Miller.  The Mercury, which was not noted for abolitionist sympathies, gave him a good character. The brig’s owners, New Bedford merchants William H. Hathaway and William S. Swain, testified that the ship had been trading on the African coast since 1830, but Miller had no orders to take slaves.  Testimony revealed that when the America was anchored in the “Rio Danda,” Miller was asked to transport 30 Africans to an undisclosed destination and his employer Swain claimed “it is common practice to take passengers, who are slaves, from one port to another, on the Coast of Africa,” as well as observing that “domestic slavery” was as common there as in the South.

Additional testimony from the trial in the August 7th Mercury via the New York Herald offered more information about the girls, confirming that they were  two places and therefore not related, that one was older than the other, and they disembarked the America on different days.  Their names are given as Lorena and Joarkana.   A crewman of color claimed responsibility for alerting New York  authorities about them being on board.  During the trial the girls made an appearance to “excite sympathy and to prejudice the jury against the prisoner.  There was no earthly reason for their being brought into court—and it reflected no credit on those who had ordered it to be done.” The captain and the mate were acquitted in New York on the charged of receiving and transporting Africans with the intent to sell them as slaves; however Miller was found guilty of bringing them back to be “held to labor.”

My effort to determine if the story of Joggy and Lorina was real did not exactly lay the matter to rest.   In making the girls’ story known, the newspapers had their own agendas, as did The Slave’s Friend.  It seems pretty clear that they were being used to rouse the public’s feelings and they drop out of the accounts without readers learning what ultimately happened to them.  More research will be needed to fill the blanks and reconcile the discrepancies in the narratives of Joggy and Lorina—and perhaps other scholars will investigate the origins of additional anecdotes about enslaved children in The Slave’s Friend.

 

“Do It Big, Do It Right, and Do It with Style” When You Dance

Who would know better than Fred Astaire?  Get acquainted with some books on dance in the collection featuring people whose movements engage our attention.

Hoop dancing, one of the most familiar forms of Native American dance, is now showcased in annual competitions such as the one at the Heard Museum in Phoenix, Arizona, featuring some 80  contestants. The solo performer needs great skill  to stamp time to the drum beat while twirling, throwing, and spinning hoops around the body.   Its origins cannot be precisely pinpointed, but hoops were used in many Native American tribal healing rituals to restore cosmic balance. “Cangleska wakan”–Lakota for sacred circle—symbolizes the  Sioux concept of the universal interrelation of all created things as they grow and develop in the past, present and future.

Jacqueline Left Hand Bull’s picture book Lakota Hoop Dancer (1999) introduced children to Kevin Locke (1954-2022), also a master of the Native American indigenous flute. Descended from a distinguished Sioux family, Locke was widely honored for his work as an educator who passed on traditions through the performance of indigenous song and dance.

Lakota Hoop Dancer. New York: Dutton Children’s Books, c1999. (Cotsen 91771)

Locke learned the hoop dance from Arlo Good Bear, a Manan Hidatsa Indian, at a point when its survival was at risk.  Suzanne Haldane’s photography captures his easy demeanor which belies the athleticism necessary to execute the dance’s complicated moves. Performing against a backdrop covered by a patchwork quilt, Locke forms shapes with a handful of hoops to represent creatures in the story he is telling simultaneously.  Informally dressed in red, the color of the sun, and blue, that of the moon, his regalia is worn from the waist down.   In the second dance Haldane recorded, Locke’s splendid regalia almost overshadows the deft manipulation of more hoops into wonderfully complex forms.  To better appreciate this dance form, watch this video of Locke at the 2016 Smithsonian Folklife Festival, where he demonstrates “the hard part” and places the performance of the hoop dance in the context of his culture and its relevance to the lives of non-indigenous people.

The leap from dance as an expression of the sacred to  a reflection of contemporary mores here is a breath taking shift in tone.  This post was inspired by the discovery of an image of social dancing, which was removed from a 1930s reissue of satirical lithographs mercilessly sending up the fashionable folies of the “right sort” in the famous periodical Le bon genre. The impeccably dressed dancing master plays the kit violin on tiny beautifully shod feet while his pupils in sheer white Empire gowns work without partners to master new steps.  One works on leg lifts to strengthen her quadriceps and another practices what she hopes will be irresistible airs in front of a mirror.

When British satirists saw Le bon genre, they immediately grasped its potential for mischief across the Channel.  Gillray found it unnecessary to add much in the way of damning details in the French artist’s depiction of two couples waltzing.  Far less dainty  than the previous print, the spectator’s eye is drawn not to the grace of the handsome, fashionably young couples twirling in the closed position as much as their obvious physicality.  Sexual desire and the heat of exertion seems to rise from the bodies of the pair to the right; the man’s fleshy thighs and his partner’s exaggerated shoulder blades so noticeable in the other pair are slightly repellent.  It is a good explanation as any of why the waltz’s introduction caused a scandal in 1813.

Mourka: the Autobiography of a Cat. New York: Stein & Day, 1964. (Cotsen 67863)

The energy of dancers is channeled through the execution of patterns or choreography; bears, dogs and some other animals can be trained to do this. Before concluding that pigs will fly sooner than cats pirouette, look at Mourka: The Autobiography of a Cat (1964) whose subject was George Balanchine’s pet.  It is probably best categorized as a children’s book for adults illustrated with shots of cats in motion by the great photographer of dancers, Martha Swope.  Suspended in midair, Mourka and partner look as if they were destined for the stage of the New York City Ballet.

The delightful book has a heartbreaking backstory.  The text was written by Tanaquil Le Clerq, the fourth Mrs. Balanchine and one of his muses. Recognized as perhaps the most promising dancers of her generation, choreographers of the stature of Jerome Robbins and Merce Cunningham created roles for Le Clerq.   Her career was cut cruelly short when she caught polio during the company’s European tour in 1956.  At age 27, she was paralyzed from the waist down, eventually recovering the use of her torso and legs. During the 1960s, she spent a great deal of time in the couple’s apartment, with only the cat for company when Balanchine could not be with her.  While she avoided speaking about ballet, it was inescapable because of her husband’s running the company. Perhaps watching Mourka’s balletic leaps became a kind of therapy which reignited her need for self-expression through movement—first by writing this book, then by coaching others in her famous roles, and finally by teaching at the Dance Theatre of Harlem.  Her students report how inspiring they found her eloquent demonstrations with arms and body.

None of these dancers are remotely alike, and yet they make Astaire’s observation about the power of authentic movement fresh again.